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Why Russia’s Su-35 Struggled to Find Buyers Before the Ukraine War

Indonesia’s Su-35 purchase became publicly disputed amid sanctions risk, a U.S. F-15 offer and reported performance concerns. Egypt and Algeria had distinct, less fully documented cases.
From TheFinanceBase Team4 min to read
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The Su-35’s pre-2022 export difficulties came down to a mix of political risk, competing offers and buyer concerns—not one shared reason for every country. Indonesia’s proposed purchase faced potential U.S. sanctions, an alternative American fighter offer and reported doubts about the Su-35’s performance. Washington also warned Egypt in 2019 that buying the aircraft could trigger sanctions. Algeria’s earlier plans are less clear, so it cannot be said that all three countries cancelled for the same reasons.

Indonesia’s deal was announced, but its status became disputed

In 2017, Indonesia’s Ministry of Defense announced an agreement with Russia for 11 Su-35 fighters under a barter framework. A 2024 retrospective by the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute describes the reported order as worth US$1.14 billion and says it was cancelled in 2021. But public comments also indicated that the contract had not formally ended and was waiting for a “more accommodating environment.” The safest account is that Indonesia announced the purchase, later reporting described it as cancelled, and the contract’s formal status was publicly contested.

ISEAS identifies three reported pressures on Jakarta’s decision: the risk of U.S. sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), a U.S. offer of F-15 fighters if Indonesia dropped the Russian deal, and Indonesian air force concerns about Su-35 performance. These factors make the case more specific than a simple story of a buyer backing out: the choice involved diplomatic exposure, an alternative supplier and questions about the aircraft itself.

What the Egypt and Algeria cases do—and do not—show

Country What the available record establishes What remains uncertain
Egypt The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) reports that the United States warned Egypt in 2019 that proceeding with a Su-35 sale would trigger CAATSA sanctions. The evidence here does not establish the complete contract timeline or the final disposition of any aircraft. The warning is documented; a full account of the transaction is not.
Algeria ISEAS groups Algeria with Egypt in discussing reported concerns about Su-35 performance. IISS’s 2025 analysis describes Su-35 appearances in Algeria. Those appearances do not establish a complete pre-Ukraine contract history or prove why an earlier plan may have changed.

The cases should not be collapsed into a single explanation. The sanctions warning is the clearest reported obstacle in Egypt’s case; the evidence for Algeria’s earlier procurement history is more limited. Later aircraft appearances are not, by themselves, proof of what Algeria had agreed to buy or why.

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Performance concerns were reported, but specific deficiencies were not identified

ISEAS attributes performance concerns to prospective buyers including Indonesia, Egypt and Algeria, but the available account does not specify which technical features they questioned. It would therefore be misleading to turn that broad reporting into a claim about a particular radar, engine, weapon or avionics shortcoming.

United Aircraft Corporation, the manufacturer, describes the Su-35 as a multirole, supermaneuverable “4++ generation” fighter and calls the program a production priority. That is the manufacturer’s characterization, not independent comparative evidence that resolves the concerns attributed to buyers. The gap matters: buyer hesitation is documented in broad terms, but the precise technical basis is not established here.

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Why sanctions and alternative offers mattered to procurement

A fighter purchase is a long-term relationship with a supplier, not just an aircraft order. For a prospective buyer, the relevant questions can include:

  • Political and sanctions exposure: Could the purchase create diplomatic costs or restrictions on the buyer’s own dealings?
  • Alternative offers: Is another supplier offering an aircraft or package that changes the strategic or commercial calculation?
  • Performance and integration: Does the aircraft meet the buyer’s requirements and fit existing forces?
  • Cost and support over time: What are the acquisition and lifecycle costs, and what access will the buyer have to weapons, spares, maintenance and upgrades?
  • Delivery and supplier capacity: Can the supplier deliver on the needed schedule and sustain the fleet?

The reported Indonesia case directly illustrates sanctions exposure, a competing offer and performance concerns. These are useful questions for understanding fighter procurement generally, but the evidence does not show that each buyer cited every factor.

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Post-invasion export constraints came later

The United States’ Bureau of Industry and Security says it implemented export controls beginning February 24, 2022, to restrict Russia’s access to technologies and other items needed to sustain its war. Those controls—and later assessments of Russian production and export difficulties—describe a changed environment after the invasion. They cannot explain buyer decisions and reported obstacles that were already visible beforehand.

The broader trade picture also shifted. In its 2025 release, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reported that Russia accounted for 7.8% of global arms exports in 2015–19 and ranked third behind France in 2020–24. SIPRI also reported a 73% decrease in Algeria’s arms imports between those periods. These are transfer-volume figures, not Su-35 order counts; they provide context for Russia’s later export position but do not establish why a particular country did or did not buy the fighter.

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