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During COVID-19, many street vendors faced interrupted work, lost income and difficult choices about how to keep earning. Evidence from small studies and interviews points to both hardship and adaptation, but it does not measure the impact across Mumbai as a whole. Later accounts of PM SVANidhi describe potential help with working capital alongside delays and uneven access; they do not erase the insecurity vendors faced.
How lockdown disrupted vendors’ livelihoods
A qualitative study by Meher, Ranjan, Shukla and Atram drew on telephone interviews with 20 vendors of perishable goods conducted from 16 May to 1 June 2020. The researchers reported that vendors stopped working; some shifted occupations to sell fruit and vegetables during limited time windows, while facing financial hardship. The study covered Maharashtra, not a representative sample of Mumbai vendors, so it illustrates possible pressures and responses rather than estimating how many people in the city were affected. Study summary.
For vendors selling perishable goods, a work stoppage also threatens the value of stock that cannot be kept indefinitely. The available study documents disruption and adaptation, but does not quantify losses for Mumbai or establish how long individual vendors remained unable to work.
Why returning to work did not guarantee security
The title-matched Scroll result describes vendors trying to return to familiar vending routes after the first lockdown and confronting uncertainty during the second wave. The full page and its reporting could not be verified, so its account should be read as a reported pandemic-era narrative, not as a complete or independently confirmed picture of every vendor’s experience.
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Livelihood security also depended on whether vendors could operate without fear of displacement. A 2021 analysis by RGICS said Mumbai’s implementation of the Street Vendors Act faced flawed surveys, low vendor participation and stalled Town Vending Committees. This offers institutional context for the difficulty of securing vending rights; it does not prove that any one governance problem caused a particular vendor’s pandemic losses. RGICS analysis.
What PM SVANidhi interviews reveal about credit and access
A NASVI report dated 2024 discusses interviews with approximately 120 Mumbai vendors about PM SVANidhi. Respondents described using loans for working capital and stock, while also reporting loan delays, incomplete awareness of the scheme and cashback, and concerns about eviction. These are accounts from those interviewed, not findings about all vendors in Mumbai. NASVI report Related report material.
Credit can help replenish stock, but a loan is not the same as a grant: it must be repaid. Its usefulness therefore depends on whether it arrives when needed, whether the amount suits the business, and whether the vendor can keep trading. The interviews raise these practical questions but do not provide a comparative evaluation of relief options or establish that loans were adequate for every respondent.
What later findings say—and what they do not prove
A repository record published in 2026 summarizes a structured-questionnaire survey of 380 PM SVANidhi beneficiaries in the Mumbai region. The study reports improvements in income generation, savings, asset acquisition and managing unexpected expenses. Those are reported outcomes among beneficiaries; the available abstract does not establish that the scheme alone caused the improvements or that the sample represents all beneficiaries or vendors. Repository record.
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Taken together, the evidence shows different stages of a difficult story: pandemic-era work disruption, reported barriers to credit and security, and later positive outcomes reported by a beneficiary survey. It does not support a precise citywide estimate of pandemic losses, a causal verdict on the scheme, or a conclusion about vendors’ circumstances today.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.What remains uncertain about Mumbai vendors today
The evidence summarized here is not a current survey of street vendors in Mumbai. It does not verify present-day livelihood conditions or current access to PM SVANidhi in the city. The sample sizes—20 vendors in the Maharashtra study, approximately 120 interviewed Mumbai vendors in the NASVI report, and 380 scheme beneficiaries in the 2026 repository record—describe study participants, not the number or share of vendors affected.
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