In Scroll’s March 2024 groupings, four companies associated with Kolkata-based MKJ gave Congress ₹160.6 crore, while Megha Engineering and Infrastructures Limited (MEIL) and Western UP Power Transmission Company Limited (WUPPTCL) together gave ₹128 crore. Those are related-company totals—not donations by MKJ Enterprises Limited or MEIL alone. On an individual-company basis, Vedanta was reported as Congress’s largest donor, at ₹125 crore.
What the “MKJ” and “MEIL” totals include
The headline-sized figures come from grouping companies, rather than ranking each legal entity separately. Scroll’s March 22, 2024 report associates four companies with the Kolkata-based MKJ group and attributes a combined ₹160.6 crore in electoral-bond donations to Congress to them. It reports that those companies began donating to Congress in April 2019 and continued through November 2023.
The four companies associated with MKJ
| Company | Congress donation reported by Scroll |
|---|---|
| MKJ Enterprises Limited | ₹91.6 crore |
| Madanlal Limited | ₹10 crore |
| Keventer Foodpark Infra Limited, then also named Magnificent Foodparks Project Limited | ₹20 crore |
| Sasmal Infrastructure Private Limited | ₹39 crore |
Scroll reports that the four companies bought electoral bonds worth ₹616.92 crore in total; ₹351.92 crore went to the BJP, and around 26% of their purchases went to Congress. The ₹160.6 crore is a reported aggregation by Scroll, not an official legal classification of these firms as one corporate group.
What “MEIL” means in the combined figure
Scroll attributes ₹128 crore in donations to Congress to MEIL and WUPPTCL together: ₹18 crore came from MEIL and ₹110 crore from WUPPTCL. So the combined figure is not an amount donated by MEIL alone; most of it was attributed to WUPPTCL. Scroll reports the pair bought bonds worth ₹1,186 crore in total and gave ₹669 crore to the BJP.
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Group totals and company-by-company rankings are different
The rankings change with the unit being compared. Scroll’s group-level figures put the four MKJ-associated companies at ₹160.6 crore and the MEIL–WUPPTCL pair at ₹128 crore. Its report also puts Vedanta’s Congress donation at ₹125 crore. These group totals should not be read as a company-by-company ranking.
The Indian Express’s March 22, 2024 company-level comparison identifies Vedanta as Congress’s top donor at ₹125 crore, WUPPTCL second at ₹110 crore, and MKJ Enterprises Limited third at ₹91.6 crore. It lists Sasmal Infrastructure separately at ₹39 crore. The apparent difference from the group ranking reflects different aggregation units, not necessarily different underlying donations.
Other large Congress donations listed by Scroll include ₹64 crore from Yashoda Super Specialty Hospital, ₹50 crore from Future Gaming and Hotel Services, and ₹30 crore from Rithwik Projects. Scroll reports that Rithwik Projects bought and donated ₹30 crore in bonds to Congress three weeks after a state-owned Himachal Pradesh company signed a ₹1,098 crore contract with it. Timing alone does not establish an exchange, motive, or wrongdoing.
How much did MKJ Enterprises itself give?
Scroll’s company-level figure for MKJ Enterprises Limited is ₹91.6 crore to Congress, not the ₹160.6 crore attributed to the four-company MKJ grouping. Association for Democratic Reforms’ MyNeta donor page lists MKJ Enterprises’ total bond donations as ₹192.42 crore, with recipients recorded as follows:
| Recipient party | Donation listed for MKJ Enterprises |
|---|---|
| Congress | ₹91.6 crore |
| Trinamool Congress (TMC) | ₹45.9 crore |
| BJP | ₹26.92 crore |
| Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) | ₹10 crore |
| Biju Janata Dal (BJD) | ₹10 crore |
| Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) | ₹7 crore |
| Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) | ₹1 crore |
MyNeta says its information comes from the Election Commission website and cautions that entries with similar company names may be clubbed. The recipient figures above concern MKJ Enterprises itself, not the broader four-company aggregation; where an underlying-row discrepancy arises, the Election Commission data is the controlling reference.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.What the electoral-bond disclosure covers—and what it does not
On February 15, 2024, the Supreme Court of India declared the Electoral Bond Scheme unconstitutional, ordered the issuing bank to stop issuing bonds, and directed disclosure of purchase and redemption details for bonds dating from April 12, 2019. The judgment stated: “The issuing bank shall herewith stop the issuance of Electoral Bonds”. A later Supreme Court order held that non-disclosure of political-party funding information violated citizens’ right to information under Article 19(1)(a), and that provisions allowing unlimited corporate political funding were arbitrary and violated Article 14.
Scroll reports that Congress received ₹1,952 crore through electoral bonds in total since the scheme began. In the released data, 2,908 of 3,146 bonds, worth ₹1,351 crore, could be matched to purchasers—69% of the reported total amount. The remaining 238 bonds, as well as bonds bought before April 12, 2019, could not be identified through this disclosure. Consequently, the donor rankings above describe the matched disclosure covered by the reports; they are not a complete accounting of every bond Congress received since the scheme’s inception.
Quick Recap
How to read the figures accurately
- Check the grouping: ₹160.6 crore refers to four MKJ-associated companies; ₹128 crore refers to MEIL and WUPPTCL together.
- Separate donor from recipient: a company’s total bond purchases or donations across parties are not the same as its amount received by Congress.
- Keep the disclosure’s scope in view: the rankings come from reported data matched to purchasers for bonds from April 12, 2019 onward, not a fully identified record of all scheme-era funding.
- Treat timing as timing: a donation following a contract or other event does not by itself prove a quid pro quo.
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