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In July 2025, House Agriculture Committee Chairman Glenn “GT” Thompson said he wanted Congress to take up a follow-on farm bill that fall, including changes to SNAP eligibility intended to avoid what he called a “poverty cliff.” His proposal was a legislative plan, not a change in law. The reporting put its additional cost at about $8 billion over 10 years; later Congressional Research Service analysis describes room for standalone farm-bill action but does not establish whether Thompson’s specific proposal passed.
What Thompson proposed in July 2025
Thompson, then chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, called the proposed follow-on measure “farm bill 2.0.” He said it would address agricultural and nutrition provisions left out of the reconciliation law. In remarks reported by Agri-Pulse on July 8, 2025, and republished by Successful Farming on July 9, he pointed to September as his target: “September … Let’s get this, get this out of the way so it can start to work for the American farmer.” That was a timetable he advocated in 2025, not a current 2026 schedule. Agri-Pulse’s July 8 report and Successful Farming’s July 9 article describe the plan.
The reported proposal covered a mix of farm programs and SNAP policy:
- Industrial hemp and pesticide-manufacturer lawsuits.
- California Proposition 12, which includes requirements affecting sow housing.
- Reauthorization of the Conservation Reserve Program, as well as changes to USDA direct and guaranteed loan limits and rural broadband assistance.
- Potential commodity-program permanent-law triggers if existing programs lapse after 2031.
- SNAP eligibility questions involving people with criminal convictions and households in which the income of young adult students counts toward eligibility.
- Changes to SNAP eligibility intended to address the “poverty cliff.” The reporting did not specify a new eligibility formula or explain how it would work.
What Thompson meant by the SNAP “poverty cliff”
Thompson used “poverty cliff” to describe his concern that people who improve their financial circumstances could lose assistance abruptly under eligibility rules. He argued for continued support during a transition toward financial independence: “Instead of pulling the rug out from underneath these folks as they start to do better, let’s keep supporting them until they’re financially independent of the government,” he said.
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That is Thompson’s characterization and policy goal, not a measured finding about how often households experience a cliff or how large its effects are. The July 2025 reporting supplied no proposed phaseout formula, income threshold, or estimate of affected households. It therefore does not provide enough detail to calculate how a change would affect any particular family. For household-specific eligibility questions, consult the applicable state SNAP agency or USDA guidance; this proposal is not a change to current eligibility rules.
How the proposal’s funding was framed
The 2025 reporting attributed an estimated need of about $8 billion in additional funding over 10 years to the proposed follow-on bill. It contrasted that figure with a $66 billion spending increase in the reconciliation measure, which the article said was paid for through SNAP funding cuts. These figures describe the article’s account of the proposals and reconciliation tradeoff; they are not estimates of a household’s benefits.
Thompson defended the potential for bipartisan support by arguing that an urban-rural coalition could still come together around farm legislation. He also said the coalition had already been fractured, contrasting the 2018 farm bill’s nutrition-to-farm-program spending ratio as “80-20 or 81-19.” That ratio is his quoted characterization, not an independently verified calculation here. His remarks express a political argument, not evidence that a new bill had secured bipartisan backing.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.What later records establish—and what they do not
The Congressional Research Service’s later report, The Farm Bill After FY2025 Budget, says reconciliation changed parts of the farm-bill landscape while leaving Congress able to consider additional reauthorizations and amendments during the 119th Congress. It describes possible standalone legislation using terms such as “skinny farm bill” and “farm bill 2.0.” That establishes that further legislation remained a policy possibility in the CRS account; it does not settle the final fate of Thompson’s specific proposal.
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SNAP provisions enacted through reconciliation are addressed separately in CRS’s SNAP and Related Nutrition Provisions in the FY2025 Reconciliation Law. They should not be confused with the additional eligibility ideas Thompson discussed for a possible follow-on bill. Nor should Thompson’s proposal be conflated with H.R. 2407, the separate SNAP Reform and Upward Mobility Act of 2025, which Congress.gov lists as introduced March 27, 2025, and referred to committee in the action details cited here. The available records do not establish that Thompson’s proposed Farm Bill 2.0 became law.
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