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Scan for outdated or missing drivers - takes under a minuteDriver Scan →Repair Windows errors before they cause bigger problemsFix Now →Fix the driver behind crashes, sound loss and screen glitchesFind Drivers →From January 20 through April 29, 2025, President Donald Trump shifted U.S. technology policy toward faster AI deployment, crypto acceptance, domestic production and sharper competition with China. The administration revoked Biden’s central AI executive order, created a digital-assets policy process, delayed enforcement of the TikTok law and opened new tariff and critical-minerals actions.
Those were real policy changes, but they did not create a settled technology regime. Many of the biggest announcements were reviews, threats or company commitments rather than final rules. By Day 100, businesses still faced uncertainty over chip controls, tariffs, TikTok’s ownership, antitrust cases, federal agency capacity and the safeguards that would apply to AI.
The short version: what changed by Day 100
- AI: Trump revoked the October 2023 Biden AI executive order and ordered a new AI Action Plan. The move changed federal priorities, but it did not repeal statutes, state laws, court decisions or contractual obligations affecting AI.
- Crypto: A Presidential Working Group on Digital Asset Markets was established to develop a federal framework, including stablecoin policy, and to evaluate a possible strategic digital-asset stockpile. No comprehensive crypto law resulted by April 29.
- TikTok: The Justice Department was told not to enforce the foreign-adversary-app law for 75 days, and the delay was extended on April 4 to June 19. TikTok remained available, but its ownership and data-security status were unresolved.
- Trade and chips: Reciprocal-tariff actions and separate national-security reviews put electronics, semiconductors, minerals and data-center equipment in a moving policy zone. Smartphones and computers received relief from the broadest measures, but the administration signaled that chips could face a separate process.
- Competition: Executive Order 14267 directed agencies to identify regulations considered anti-competitive. That did not automatically end FTC or DOJ antitrust cases against large technology companies.
- Federal capacity: DOGE-related disruption, including the reported curtailment of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, raised questions about technical expertise, fintech oversight, procurement and cybersecurity resilience.
The practical result was a more pro-deployment and pro-crypto agenda alongside greater volatility for companies dependent on imports, Chinese markets, federal contracts or international regulation.
The dates that defined the first 100 days
| Date | Action | Technology significance |
|---|---|---|
| January 20 | TikTok enforcement delay; America First Trade Policy memorandum | TikTok continued operating while trade, outbound-investment, ICTS and supply-chain reviews began. |
| January 23 | AI executive order and digital-financial-technology executive order | Biden’s AI framework was revoked; a new AI Action Plan and crypto working group were ordered. |
| February 21 | Memorandum on overseas fines and regulation | The administration threatened responses to foreign policies it viewed as discriminatory toward U.S. technology companies or speech. |
| April 2 | Reciprocal-tariff framework | Electronics supply chains faced major uncertainty over duties, exemptions and future investigations. |
| April 4 | TikTok delay extended to June 19 | The administration preserved access without resolving divestiture or ownership. |
| April 9 | Executive Order 14267 | Agencies received 70 days to identify regulations that could be rescinded or modified as anti-competitive. |
| April 15 | Critical-minerals Section 232 action | Processed minerals and derivative products were tied to national security and possible tariffs. |
| April 29 | Day 100 | The policy direction was clear, while implementation and litigation remained open. |
AI: from Biden-era guardrails to acceleration
Trump’s January 23 order revoked President Biden’s October 2023 AI executive order and directed agencies to revise or rescind policies inconsistent with the new approach. The White House described the objective as restoring U.S. leadership through innovation, economic growth and national security. The fact sheet is available at White House.
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The order also directed White House science-and-technology leadership, the AI and Crypto Czar and the national-security adviser to develop an AI Action Plan. By April 29, that plan was a process rather than a completed regulatory code.
What the order did—and did not do
- It immediately changed the executive branch’s policy direction and required agency reviews.
- It did not eliminate AI obligations created by statutes, contracts, court rulings, state laws, sector-specific rules or foreign regulation.
- It did not automatically remove requirements involving privacy, copyright, discrimination, consumer protection, safety or government procurement.
- It did not establish a single national rule for model testing, transparency or liability.
The shift was therefore less “AI regulation ended” than “the federal government will prioritize deployment and competitiveness while reconsidering the previous safety-and-rights framework.” State regulators, customers and courts continued to shape practical risk.
Federal use and unresolved safeguards
Federal agencies still had to determine how to buy and deploy models, protect sensitive data and evaluate reliability. Questions about bias, copyright, testing, labor effects and civil-rights enforcement remained unsettled at Day 100. The political emphasis moved toward speed and competition with China; the legal obligations did not disappear with one revoked order.
Stargate and the AI infrastructure race
The Stargate announcement became a powerful signal that the administration aligned itself with large AI investors and infrastructure builders. Its importance was political and commercial: it suggested support for massive data-center construction, advanced chips, power generation and related suppliers.
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Chips, China and export controls
The administration pursued two goals that can conflict: making the United States a center of AI and semiconductor production while restricting or taxing foreign technology linked to China. During the first 100 days, officials debated the future of Biden-era AI-chip export controls, including global-access rules. Debate and review should not be confused with a completed rollback; contemporary assessment is summarized by Axios.
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Nvidia, AMD, TSMC, Intel, cloud providers and data-center operators had to plan around several policy tracks at once: export controls, China sales, domestic-manufacturing incentives, tariffs and the CHIPS Act. Nvidia’s H20 chip became an example of how a product can be affected by changing China restrictions without a single, stable rulebook.
The April 15 critical-minerals action said potential Section 232 tariff rates could replace reciprocal-tariff rates if Commerce found a national-security threat. The fact sheet is at White House. Domestic fabs also remain dependent on imported equipment, materials, packaging and international suppliers; “build in America” did not mean immediate independence.
Tariffs: the biggest immediate business risk
The April reciprocal-tariff framework created uncertainty well beyond finished phones or computers. The administration’s clarification treated semiconductors as an exception to the reciprocal regime while indicating that chips could be handled through a separate national-security process. See the tariff clarification.
| Technology area | First-100-days action | Status on April 29 | Likely exposure |
|---|---|---|---|
| Smartphones | Broad tariff treatment was changed or clarified. | Not a permanent exemption. | Retail prices, assembly, components and logistics. |
| PCs and laptops | Similar relief or exception from broadest measures. | Subject to later policy. | Consumer and enterprise hardware costs. |
| Semiconductors | Separate Section 232 and export-control treatment signaled. | Unresolved. | GPUs, AI servers, foundries and cloud capacity. |
| Data-center equipment | Indirect exposure through chips, networking and power equipment. | Highly uncertain. | Construction schedules and capital costs. |
| Minerals and materials | National-security review and possible tariffs. | Investigation/action pathway. | Batteries, electronics and manufacturing inputs. |
Relief for a finished product does not remove duties or shortages affecting components, repair parts, packaging, machinery, freight or upstream materials. AP’s analysis of chip-policy risks is available at AP News; contemporary reporting on electronics exemptions is at Axios.
TikTok survived—but only temporarily
The Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act became effective January 19, one day before inauguration. On January 20, Trump directed the attorney general not to enforce it for 75 days while national-security and foreign-policy questions were reviewed. The order is at White House.
On April 4, the administration extended the delay to June 19, 2025, as documented in the extension order. This was a non-enforcement decision, not repeal of the statute or a permanent ownership solution.
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The delay benefited users, creators, advertisers, app stores, hosting providers and Oracle while negotiations continued. At Day 100, divestiture, data governance, constitutional questions and the app’s long-term U.S. availability remained unresolved. The Justice Department’s public-actions index records the enforcement actions at justice.gov.
Crypto gets a seat at the policy table
The January 23 digital-financial-technology order established a Presidential Working Group on Digital Asset Markets. It directed work on a federal framework, including stablecoins, and evaluation of a possible strategic national digital-asset stockpile. The White House fact sheet is at White House.
The order also expressed support for lawful access to public blockchains, software development, mining, validation, transactions and self-custody, as described in the executive order.
That stance improved political visibility for exchanges, stablecoin issuers, miners, custodians and blockchain developers. It did not by itself settle securities classification, banking access, taxes, custody standards, market manipulation, sanctions or consumer protection. A working group is a policy process, not legislation or a final agency rule.
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On April 9, Trump ordered agencies to identify regulations considered anti-competitive and propose rescissions or modifications within 70 days. Executive Order 14267 is recorded at GovInfo; the White House fact sheet is at White House.
The order did not automatically end FTC or DOJ litigation involving Google, Meta, Apple, Amazon or Microsoft. Three tracks should be kept separate:
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- Traditional antitrust cases and merger enforcement.
- Consumer-protection investigations and privacy enforcement.
- Political disputes over platform moderation and alleged censorship.
The administration could attack regulations as barriers to competition while continuing selected antitrust cases. “Deregulation” therefore did not mean every large technology company faced less enforcement.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.Free speech, content moderation and foreign regulation
A February 21 memorandum directed reviews of foreign policies that the administration said imposed discriminatory or disproportionate burdens on U.S. companies. It focused on overseas fines, digital regulation and policies affecting content moderation and political speech. The memorandum is at White House.
A related fact sheet called for examination of European Union and U.K. policies that might require or incentivize moderation practices viewed by the administration as undermining free expression: White House.
This agenda collided with the TikTok approach. The administration resisted foreign rules affecting U.S. platforms while supporting strong intervention when a foreign-owned platform raised national-security concerns. Executive pressure could affect market access, contracts and infrastructure, but it did not directly rewrite private companies’ moderation policies.
DOGE and the federal technology apparatus
Technology companies that sell to government faced a less predictable customer. Contemporary reporting described DOGE as severely curtailing the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which had been studying Big Tech, fintech and AI in financial services. The account appears in Axios.
The relevant distinctions are important: announced workforce reductions are not the same as completed contract cancellations; agency reorganizations can be challenged in court; and some programs continue despite political pressure. Rapid downsizing can reduce duplication, but it can also remove expertise needed for cybersecurity, privacy, procurement oversight and consumer protection. Fintech firms could see less dedicated scrutiny while facing greater uncertainty about which agency would set expectations.
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Broadband, cybersecurity and critical infrastructure
The White House’s first 100 days did not establish a single new broadband or cybersecurity regime in the evidence available for this period. FCC broadband, spectrum and universal-service decisions remained matters for the independent commission, while FTC, SEC and other agencies retained their own authorities.
That separation matters. Presidential priorities on AI, trade, speech and national security can influence agencies, but they do not automatically decide FCC votes, SEC rules or state broadband permits. Similarly, a cybersecurity order issued on June 6, 2025 falls outside this article’s January 20–April 29 window and should not be used as evidence of first-100-days policy.
Workforce, energy and data centers
The administration’s technology agenda depended on people and physical infrastructure as much as software. AI expansion required engineers, chip specialists, construction workers, electricity, transmission and data-center permits. Immigration rhetoric could conflict with the industry’s reliance on international researchers, founders and semiconductor talent, but general statements did not themselves rewrite visa rules during this period.
Data-center growth also depended on state and local approvals, utility investment, grid interconnection, water availability and financing. Support for domestic production could benefit power, construction, defense and semiconductor suppliers while increasing costs or permitting conflicts for communities. Changes to electric-vehicle and clean-energy policy could affect batteries, automotive software and autonomous-driving businesses, but presidential announcements alone could not deliver every project or reverse every state policy.
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| Potential beneficiaries | Potentially exposed groups |
|---|---|
| U.S.-based AI model developers and data-center builders | Import-dependent phone, PC and networking companies |
| Crypto exchanges, custodians, miners and stablecoin firms | Chip suppliers dependent on China sales |
| Domestic semiconductor and power-infrastructure companies | App stores, hosts, creators and advertisers tied to TikTok |
| Defense and national-security technology vendors | Federal technology contractors facing procurement disruption |
| U.S. platforms seeking relief from foreign digital regulation | Fintech firms losing a dedicated consumer-protection watchdog |
| Companies able to diversify supply chains | Internationally recruited technical workers and consumers facing hardware-price uncertainty |
What remained unresolved on April 29
- The content and legal force of the AI Action Plan.
- Whether and how Biden-era chip export controls would be changed.
- Final tariff treatment for semiconductors, electronics, minerals and data-center inputs.
- TikTok’s ownership, divestiture, data governance and long-term legal status.
- Whether crypto proposals would become legislation or final agency rules.
- The outcome and independence of major antitrust and consumer-protection cases.
- The operational effect of federal workforce and agency reductions.
- How quickly AI infrastructure could obtain power, permits and equipment.
The first 100 days therefore marked a genuine ideological and regulatory reset, not a finished technology policy. The administration favored deployment, crypto, domestic manufacturing and confrontation with foreign rules, while businesses still had to plan for litigation, agency implementation, international supply chains and possible policy reversals.
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