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On May 12, 2025, Republican FCC Commissioner Nathan Simington and his chief of staff, Gavin Wax, published a Daily Caller opinion article titled “It’s Time For Trump To DOGE The FCC.” It called for a smaller, more automated FCC, major changes to broadband-support programs, and a shift toward satellite and fixed-wireless service.
The article was advocacy—not an FCC order or enacted policy. Its proposals could affect household broadband bills, low-income discounts, schools, libraries, accessibility services and the companies competing for public broadband support. The Starlink connection is especially significant: a satellite-first approach could benefit SpaceX’s Starlink, although the available reporting does not prove that the op-ed was written to provide Musk’s company with an improper advantage.
What did “DOGE the FCC” propose?
In plain English, Simington and Wax argued that the FCC should apply a Department of Government Efficiency-style approach to the agency: cut or restructure programs they view as outdated, automate routine work, move staff into higher-growth areas and reduce the agency’s traditional regulatory footprint.
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- Shift some broadband support away from wired fiber and toward satellite and fixed wireless.
- Reconsider Lifeline, E-Rate and telecommunications relay support.
- Make automated processing the default for non-contentious license applications.
- Move some Media Bureau staff to other FCC offices, including the Space Bureau.
- Eliminate rules and functions the authors characterize as duplicative or obsolete.
The FCC’s Universal Service system was described by Ars Technica as involving about $8 billion per year. The op-ed also claimed that federally mandated fees increase monthly voice-phone bills by more than 36%; that figure is an advocacy claim from the authors, not an independently verified number in the available reporting.
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This was a commissioner’s proposal, not FCC policy
Simington is an FCC commissioner appointed during Donald Trump’s first term. Wax was his chief of staff. Their Daily Caller piece was an opinion article, not a formal FCC rulemaking, commission vote, final rule or funding award.
That distinction matters. An opinion article cannot itself end Lifeline, redirect Universal Service money, eliminate a bureau or approve Starlink for public subsidies. Depending on the specific change, implementation could require agency procedures, a commission vote, notice-and-comment rulemaking, congressional action, changes to Universal Service administration, coordination with other agencies and judicial review.
Why Starlink is central to the controversy
The most consequential recommendation was to reduce reliance on wired broadband construction and direct more support toward satellite and fixed-wireless services. That could benefit Starlink, which is operated by SpaceX, as well as other satellite providers.
The connection attracted scrutiny because Elon Musk led the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency initiative while also leading SpaceX. The proposal would move public support toward a market in which Musk’s company is a major participant. That creates an appearance-of-interest and policy-design question, but it does not by itself establish improper coordination, personal intervention or an ethics violation.
It is therefore accurate to say that the proposal could benefit Starlink. It is not accurate to say that the FCC had already awarded Starlink the money or that the authors were proven to be acting for Musk’s commercial benefit.
Fiber, fixed wireless and satellite are not interchangeable
| Technology | Potential advantage | Important limitation |
|---|---|---|
| Fiber | High capacity, low latency, predictable performance and a strong long-term upgrade path | Construction can be slow and exceptionally expensive in remote or difficult terrain |
| Fixed wireless | Can deploy faster than fiber in some areas without trenching every route | Performance depends on spectrum, terrain, tower density, distance and network congestion |
| Satellite | Broad geographic reach and rapid availability where terrestrial construction is difficult | Capacity, latency, weather effects, equipment, affordability and congestion can limit service |
The policy choice is not simply “old technology versus new technology.” It is whether public support should prioritize rapid nominal availability or durable infrastructure with greater capacity and scalability.
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A sound subsidy system would compare proposals using measurable criteria: cost per newly connected location, actual service quality, latency, peak-demand capacity, reliability, upgradeability, affordability after subsidies, resilience, competition and accountability for public money.
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What could change for households and institutions?
Low-income households
Lifeline addresses affordability for qualifying consumers. The fact that a network is technically available does not mean a household can afford service. Reducing Lifeline could leave some people disconnected even where satellite, fixed wireless or wired broadband reaches their address.
Rural households
Satellite may be the fastest practical option in remote locations. But a subsidy should measure more than a coverage map: it should account for latency, reliability, capacity during busy periods, equipment requirements, price and whether the service remains affordable after support ends.
Schools and libraries
E-Rate serves institutions whose connectivity needs can be substantially greater than those of an individual household. A satellite connection that is adequate for a rural home may not provide the capacity, predictable performance or upgrade path required by a school or library.
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People who rely on relay services
IP Captioned Telephone Service and other telecommunications relay services support people with disabilities. These services are not interchangeable with ordinary broadband deployment. Treating them as one undifferentiated category of “legacy” spending could create gaps for users with specific accessibility needs.
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Existing broadband providers
Redirecting subsidies would change which technologies and companies can compete for public support. Terrestrial providers could lose opportunities to build publicly supported networks, while satellite and fixed-wireless operators could gain new customers and revenue.
Could the FCC automate license applications?
The authors proposed making automated workflows the default for non-contentious applications. Automation could reduce repetitive data entry, check whether forms are complete and accelerate routine approvals.
It becomes more complicated when an application involves interference risks, scarce spectrum, ownership questions, national-security concerns, competing applicants or public objections. Software that handles intake is different from software that makes a substantive regulatory judgment.
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A responsible system would need:
- Clear definitions of which applications qualify as routine.
- Human review for contested, novel or high-risk matters.
- Public notice and a way to submit objections.
- An audit trail showing how an automated decision was reached.
- Prompt correction procedures for incomplete or inaccurate data.
- Judicially reviewable agency reasoning.
Automation can shorten processing time, but it does not eliminate the need for accountability. A faster wrong decision can be more damaging than a slower correct one.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.Why move Media Bureau staff?
Simington proposed shifting some Media Bureau employees to other offices, including the Space Bureau, which he described as facing staffing shortages. He argued that traditional broadcast regulation is less central as over-the-air television and radio decline in relative importance.
The proposal creates an institutional tension. A smaller Media Bureau could make it harder to oversee broadcasters, even as political leaders seek greater scrutiny of news-media content and practices. It could also conflict with proposals involving fees paid by local stations to broadcast networks.
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Simington reportedly acknowledged some of these tensions while maintaining that the bureau was significantly overstaffed relative to its responsibilities. That is a policy judgment, not an established staffing benchmark presented in the available reporting.
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The FCC has historically been structured as an independent agency. The Trump administration issued an executive-order position stating that the FCC was no longer independent from White House control. That does not automatically resolve every statutory or constitutional question.
An executive order may direct executive-branch officials, but it cannot simply repeal or override statutes enacted by Congress. The practical limits of presidential control, removal authority and separation of powers would depend on the governing law and any subsequent legal challenges.
The political context in May 2025
At the time of the reporting, the FCC had two Republican and two Democratic commissioners. Democratic Commissioner Geoffrey Starks was expected to leave, while Republican nominee Olivia Trusty was described as being on track for Senate confirmation. That was a historical snapshot and should not be treated as the commission’s membership in 2026.
The proposal also fit a broader deregulatory agenda. Chairman Brendan Carr had begun a “Delete, Delete, Delete” proceeding aimed at eliminating rules, and Congress had moved against a Biden-era E-Rate effort involving Wi-Fi hotspots for students.
Ars Technica also reported that three people identified as DOGE staffers appeared in an FCC directory with FCC.gov email addresses at the time. That was a dated observation, not proof of current staffing or authority over FCC decisions.
How to evaluate the proposal as a consumer or taxpayer
- Separate availability from affordability. A service reaching an address does not guarantee that a low-income household can pay for it.
- Compare real performance. Examine latency, peak capacity, reliability and indoor usability—not just advertised coverage.
- Ask who receives the subsidy. Competitive bidding and transparent eligibility rules matter when public support could benefit a company linked to a powerful political figure.
- Protect specialized services. Schools, libraries and people with disabilities may need support that ordinary household broadband cannot replace.
- Demand an upgrade path. A short-term connection may become poor value if it cannot scale with future demand.
- Preserve appeals and oversight. Automated licensing and streamlined funding should still provide human review, public records and legal remedies.
Bottom line
“DOGE the FCC” was a proposal for a smaller, more automated and more technology-neutral agency, with less emphasis on traditional broadcast regulation and some wired broadband subsidies. Its satellite-oriented recommendations could create a significant opportunity for Starlink, but the op-ed itself did not award Starlink public money or prove improper influence.
The effect on consumers would depend on the details: whether affordability programs survive, how schools and accessibility services are protected, what performance standards providers must meet, how conflicts are handled and which changes Congress or the courts permit. Until those steps occur, the article should be understood as a policy blueprint—not a change to anyone’s broadband bill or FCC benefits.
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